The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was seen as among the most significant incumbents of that position in the nation's history. Although numerous second-in-commands were limited to minor or ceremonial positions, Cheney exercised substantial influence during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently described as the "true president".
Bush resented this portrayal and stated the dynamic was more complex. He observed that Cheney was courteous, always calling him in public as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their relationship as a collaboration because it implied that they were peers. In spite of such protestations, Cheney considered the laidback president accommodating on a whole raft of policy decisions.
The Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a group of neo-conservatives that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush traveled to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the shooting down of any unidentified planes nearing the government building.
Cheney stated the assaults changed him, leading him to become intent on revenge. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the waterboarding of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on inaccurate reports circulated by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It represented the correct action to do at that time. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance today."
But even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I observed, at the very least," he wrote later "clear negligence, inaction, and irresponsibility: potentially, falsehoods, ineptitude, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely responsible for the Iraq military action. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had composed a memo detailing scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (including "availability of vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be positioned to act independently when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the presidency vaguely intent on implementing what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of lowering America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a scheme to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his father's face that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, frequently referencing intelligence reports that were whether insubstantial or completely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the employment of simulated drowning and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the torture, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and establish programmes to catch the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed labels assigned to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the shadows that operates invisibly leave his domain? This represents a advantageous way to function, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his commercial relationships followed him during his tenure as second-in-command. Even though he had limited background in corporate affairs but good contacts in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas companies, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the presidency. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US contracts valued at multiple billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his time at the company grew from his quarter-million dollars when he was military head to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a package valued at more than $20m|twenty
